诺贝尔委员会主席亚格兰在昂山素季颁奖礼上的演讲
国王和王后陛下，王子殿下，诺贝尔和平奖获奖者，阁下们，女士们，先生们，
亲爱的昂山素季，
我们已经等您太久了。然而我们很清楚，在等待中您已无数次地尝试过，而您面对的是与我们完全不同的情形。但请记住，当您被孤立期间，您已成为全世界的一名精神领袖。
今日的盛典是整个诺贝尔历史上最值得铭记的一次。1991年时，您被授予诺贝尔和平奖，因为“在近几十年中为亚洲民权运动树立了非凡的榜样”。在委员会看来，这个奖项能够支持全世界“那些为民主、人权和少数族裔以和平方式奋斗”的人们。
中间21年的时间证明了委员会在这个问题上是正确的。
但这是因为您，昂山素季，将委员会的言语，通过您令人敬畏的坚持、牺牲和对信念的固守而转化为真实的行动。军政府愈发孤立您，您的声音反而变得愈发清晰。
您的事业动员起您的人民，战胜了庞大的军事集团。每当您的名字被提及，或当您发声时，您的言语都给世界带来新的力量和希望。
女士们先生们，
我们已经多次看到：缺乏普遍人权作为道德基础的武器和军装必将失败，只是时间早晚的问题。所幸在今天的世界，人权不分国界。暴力统治者们以残酷的方式运用手中权力时，他们必须意识到，总会有无畏的人们起来反抗。世界希望多多留心这些反对者们。
素季没能够参加1991年12月10日的获奖庆典。的确，她可以离开他的祖国，但她害怕军政府太希望她离开，然后不准她回国。那些同样不能来到奥斯陆的获奖者在史册中也该占得一席之地：卡尔•冯•奥斯茨基，因为他反对希特勒的德国；安德烈•萨哈罗夫和列赫•瓦文萨，因为他们反对苏联社会主义；以及刘XB，因为他致力于推动中国的人权发展。
现在，昂山素季终于来到了这里。我们希望刘XB不要像她一样，需要等待这么长的时间才能来到奥斯陆。
昂山素季是缅甸独立斗争的领袖昂山将军的女儿。昂山将军在完成建立自由大业之前被暗杀。他的女儿那时只有两岁，她的母亲稍后被任命为缅甸驻印度大使。这位小女儿接受了世界性的教育，在她的祖国，在印度，在牛津，在东京和纽约。在1972年，她与藏传佛教权威迈克尔•阿里斯教授结婚。他们育有两个孩子，亚历山大和金。
起初，素季并没有对缅甸政治表现出太多兴趣，但是她对缅甸历史，他父亲为争自由的斗争，佛教和甘地的非暴力运动的兴趣却越来越浓厚。在与她丈夫的许多信件中这点表现得更清晰：“我就请求一件事，如果我的人民需要我，请您帮助我做好我的职责。”她也曾落入恐惧的魔爪：“有时我被恐惧包围，国家的形势可能会在我们最幸福的时候把我们分开，这样的分离太令人痛苦了。”
1988年三月，在国外度过了28年以后，素季得知她的母亲罹患中风。第二天，她就前去仰光照料她生病的母亲。
那时，缅甸军政府正经历着自从1962年掌权以来最令人痛苦的危机时刻。随着老独裁者奈温正式下台，一场接一场的示威开始爆发。当军队向人群开枪的时候，许多百姓失去了生命。不久以后，素季就被卷入这场被称为缅甸第二次为自由的斗争中。作为昂山将军的女儿和一个具有无可争辩的演讲才能的演说者，她在这场斗争中迅速成为领袖。在她第一次面对大众的演讲中，她以“可敬的僧众和人民”开头，这样说道：“这次公共集会的目的，是将人民的意愿传遍世界。我们的目标是展现全体人民对多党制民主政府最热切的渴望。”
虽然她的母亲过世，但素季依然留在缅甸。军政府对她迅速崛起的声望感到恐惧，并对她实行所谓“限制居住”。
他们保证将实行自由选举，但或许他们高估了自己的胜算。出于保险起见，他们展开了一场反对素季的大规模运动。她被指责为“外来人”，经过28年的国外生活以后，对缅甸所知甚少。她回应道：“他们说我对缅甸政治所知甚少，但他们真正的麻烦是我知道的太多了。”
素季的政党，全国民主联盟赢得了国会485个议席中的392席。然而军政府拒绝承认选举结果，昂山素季仍然继续被软禁。
就像以前许多次一样，挪威诺贝尔委员会对此作出了反应。
我们都记得1991年的颁奖典礼，诺贝尔委员会安排了两名缅甸音乐家从洛杉矶飞来演奏素季最喜欢的乐曲。这段乐曲今天在这里将再演奏一遍。那次颁奖礼的高潮部分是她的儿子亚历山大代表母亲所做的演讲。他强调这个奖并非主要授予他的母亲，而是为了那些在十分艰难的环境中依然为缅甸争取民主的人们。他表示即使在军队内部，或许也有些人们期待民主的胜利。“我知道在军队内部存在着令人厌恶的，令人恐惧和压迫的政策，违背了最神圣的佛教传统道义。我的母亲在与那些当局官员打交道的过程中确信了这一点。”
我们挪威人依然记得亚历山大的话：“缅甸人今天可以昂起头来，因为他们知道在这片遥远的土地上，他们的苦难与遭遇能够得到倾听和留意。”
我们从未忘记昂山素季。当我们在2001年庆祝诺贝尔和平奖100周年时，有超过30名获奖者参加了庆典，但我们留出了一把空椅子。为您获得自由的呼声从未间断。
亲爱的昂山素季，
您在我们心中永远占据着一片天地。
我们一直在问自己，在与外界隔离的生活期间，您是从哪里获得力量的呢？最开始的时候，您的家人还可以获准探望。因为当局认为您的家人可以劝您离开缅甸。当这招不奏效的时候，家人就不再获准探望了。即使您的丈夫因为癌症而日趋衰弱的时候，他也没有得到批准。当局给您寄来了一个来自家人的包裹，里面装有一支唇膏和锻炼的视频，希望以此击倒您，您却拒绝再接受来自外界的物品。您靠变卖家具来购买食物，营养缺乏又成了问题。
您对您的事业，对我们共同的事业必定报有无穷的信心。就像纳尔逊•曼德拉一样，您可以感化监狱看守，就像刘XB一样，您可以说：“我没有敌人。”在您最近的演讲中，您说道：“我对军队怀有极大的善意，所以和他们坐在一起，我并不觉得有何妨碍。”
我们明白，您通过佛教和冥想的修行，已经成为一个真正的人道主义者。爱、柔、慈的观念由您得到广泛传播：“一个人的言语不仅应当是真实的，还应当能够走向和谐，应当是仁爱，喜乐和有益处的。”（译者注：这段话似乎是在解释佛教的“不妄语，不两舌，不恶口，不绮语”。）
没有苦难，没有仇恨。
只有人类中真正的勇士能够表现出这一点。
我们需要相互提醒，恐惧的对立面就是希望。在您《免于恐惧的自由》一书中，您写道：“身处一个忽视基本人权的体系中时，恐惧就成了家常便饭。对入狱的恐惧，对折磨的恐惧，对死亡的恐惧，对失去朋友、家庭、财产或生活资料的恐惧，对贫穷的恐惧，对失败的恐惧。”
统治者也会恐惧，他们并不想他们所展示的那样强大。他们每日在对人民的恐惧中醒来。因为在心底，他们也明白有比恐惧更强大的力量，譬如希望和勇气。
这就是每一个独裁政权垮台的原因。他们对无畏人民的恐惧太强烈了，以至于用阻止在每个国家都需要的新事物的方法来控制人民。对精英领袖缺乏监督，导致了腐败和滥权。对人民的强力控制和对领袖的放纵导致了暴政和停滞，以及无尽的革命。
因此，当我们看到今天在极权统治下的国家，经济增长却十分迅速时，世界上民主的国家不应感到无望。这只是暂时的，它们终将因其内部的矛盾而崩溃。
民主总能找到新的方法，民主终将成为历史的胜者，因为当旧的领导人失败的时候，人们可以通过选举推出新人。
此外，民主也是和平的缔造者。民主造就了国际的和国内的友爱之情。这或许也就是阿尔弗雷德•诺贝尔所理解到的。基于这个原因，他在遗嘱中建立了诺贝尔和平奖，用以奖励那些“为促进民族团结友好做出最大贡献的人”。这也是他提出的评选诺贝尔和平奖的三大标准之一。几乎无人在这条标准上比您做得更好。
缅甸和邻邦的所有民族的真正兄弟情谊始于自由人民的自由选举。
就在几年前，当军事团体解散，吴登盛被任命为总统时，没有多少人相信会出现如此巨大的变化。但事情就是发生了，昂山素季得到释放，监狱里的政治犯得到释放，媒体也可以更加自由地运转，少数族裔间也签订了停火协定，与中国合作的大坝工程被搁置，向世界传达了明确的改革的信号。
但您的斗争仍未结束。当您在回答如何从一到十来衡量缅甸民主发展时，您传递出了一个明确的信息：“我们还在接近一级的路上。”
亲爱的昂山素季，
您挑起了肩上的重担，谁都不确定未来会怎样，但今天您在这里，我们确定这次您是可以回家的。
我将以重申1991年诺贝尔委员会主席弗朗西斯•塞耶斯泰德的话作为总结。他表达了对您的事业终将戴上胜利之冠的希望。他鼓励人们“谦逊如昂山素季，无畏如昂山素季，我们的世界将更加光明美好。”
在为我们缔造一个更美好的世界上，没人比您做的更好。我们感谢您的无畏，您的坚持和您的力量。我们愿在未来的工作中，好运永远与您同在。
感谢大家的关注！
昂山素季获诺贝尔和平奖演讲全文（2012.6.16）
2012年07月09日 15:49:50
Nobel Lecture
Nobel Lecture by Aung San Suu Kyi, Oslo, 16 June,2012
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Excellencies, Distinguishedmembers of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Dear Friends,
Long years ago, sometimes it seems many lives ago, I was atOxford listening to the radio programme Desert Island Discs with myyoung son Alexander. It was a well-known programme (for all I knowit still continues) on which famous people from all walks of lifewere invited to talk about the eight discs, the one book beside thebible and the complete works of Shakespeare, and the one luxuryitem they would wish to have with them were they to be marooned ona desert island. At the end of the programme, which we had bothenjoyed, Alexander asked me if I thought I might ever be invited tospeak on Desert Island Discs. “Why not?” I responded lightly. Sincehe knew that in general only celebrities took part in the programmehe proceeded to ask, with genuine interest, for what reason Ithought I might be invited. I considered this for a moment and thenanswered: “Perhaps because I’d have won the Nobel Prize forliterature,” and we both laughed. The prospect seemed pleasant buthardly probable.
(I cannot now remember why I gave that answer, perhaps because Ihad recently read a book by a Nobel Laureate or perhaps because theDesert Island celebrity of that day had been a famous writer.)
In 1989, when my late husband Michael Aris came to see me duringmy first term of house arrest, he told me that a friend, JohnFinnis, had nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize. This time alsoI laughed. For an instant Michael looked amazed, then he realizedwhy I was amused. The Nobel Peace Prize? A pleasant prospect, butquite improbable! So how did I feel when I was actually awarded theNobel Prize for Peace? The question has been put to me many timesand this is surely the most appropriate occasion on which toexamine what the Nobel Prize means to me and what peace means tome.
As I have said repeatedly in many an interview, I heard the newsthat I had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on the radio oneevening. It did not altogether come as a surprise because I hadbeen mentioned as one of the frontrunners for the prize in a numberof broadcasts during the previous week. While drafting thislecture, I have tried very hard to remember what my immediatereaction to the announcement of the award had been. I think, I canno longer be sure, it was something like: “Oh, so they’ve decidedto give it to me.” It did not seem quite real because in a sense Idid not feel myself to be quite real at that time.
Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were nolonger a part of the real world. There was the house which was myworld, there was the world of others who also were not free but whowere together in prison as a community, and there was the world ofthe free; each was a different planet pursuing its own separatecourse in an indifferent universe. What the Nobel Peace Prize didwas to draw me once again into the world of other human beingsoutside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense ofreality to me. This did not happen instantly, of course, but as thedays and months went by and news of reactions to the award cameover the airwaves, I began to understand the significance of theNobel Prize. It had made me real once again; it had drawn me backinto the wider human community. And what was more important, theNobel Prize had drawn the attention of the world to the strugglefor democracy and human rights in Burma. We were not going to beforgotten.
To be forgotten. The French say that to part is to die a little.To be forgotten too is to die a little. It is to lose some of thelinks that anchor us to the rest of humanity. When I met Burmesemigrant workers and refugees during my recent visit to Thailand,many cried out: “Don’t forget us!” They meant: “don’t forget ourplight, don’t forget to do what you can to help us, don’t forget wealso belong to your world.” When the Nobel Committee awarded thePeace Prize to me they were recognizing that the oppressed and theisolated in Burma were also a part of the world, they wererecognizing the oneness of humanity. So for me receiving the NobelPeace Prize means personally extending my concerns for democracyand human rights beyond national borders. The Nobel Peace Prizeopened up a door in my heart.
The Burmese concept of peace can be explained as the happinessarising from the cessation of factors that militate against theharmonious and the wholesome. The word nyein-chan translatesliterally as the beneficial coolness that comes when a fire isextinguished. Fires of suffering and strife are raging around theworld. In my own country, hostilities have not ceased in the farnorth; to the west, communal violence resulting in arson and murderwere taking place just several days before I started out on thejourney that has brought me here today. News of atrocities in otherreaches of the earth abound. Reports of hunger, disease,displacement, joblessness, poverty, injustice, discrimination,prejudice, bigotry; these are our daily fare. Everywhere there arenegative forces eating away at the foundations of peace. Everywherecan be found thoughtless dissipation of material and humanresources that are necessary for the conservation of harmony andhappiness in our world.
The First World War represented a terrifying waste of youth andpotential, a cruel squandering of the positive forces of ourplanet. The poetry of that era has a special significance for mebecause I first read it at a time when I was the same age as manyof those young men who had to face the prospect of withering beforethey had barely blossomed. A young American fighting with theFrench Foreign Legion wrote before he was killed in action in 1916that he would meet his death: “at some disputedbarricade;” “on some scarred slope of battered hill;” “at midnightin some flaming town.” Youth and love and life perishing forever insenseless attempts to capture nameless, unremembered places. Andfor what? Nearly a century on, we have yet to find a satisfactoryanswer.
Are we not still guilty, if to a less violent degree, ofrecklessness, of improvidence with regard to our future and ourhumanity? War is not the only arena where peace is done to death.Wherever suffering is ignored, there will be the seeds of conflict,for suffering degrades and embitters and enrages.
A positive aspect of living in isolation was that I had ampletime in which to ruminate over the meaning of words and preceptsthat I had known and accepted all my life. As a Buddhist, I hadheard about dukha, generally translated as suffering, since I was asmall child. Almost on a daily basis elderly, and sometimes not soelderly, people around me would murmur “dukha, dukha” when theysuffered from aches and pains or when they met with some small,annoying mishaps. However, it was only during my years of housearrest that I got around to investigating the nature of the sixgreat dukha. These are: to be conceived, to age, to sicken, to die,to be parted from those one loves, to be forced to live inpropinquity with those one does not love. I examined each of thesix great sufferings, not in a religious context but in the contextof our ordinary, everyday lives. If suffering were an unavoidablepart of our existence, we should try to alleviate it as far aspossible in practical, earthly ways. I mulled over theeffectiveness of ante- and post-natal programmes and mother andchildcare; of adequate facilities for the aging population; ofcomprehensive health services; of compassionate nursing andhospices. I was particularly intrigued by the last two kinds ofsuffering: to be parted from those one loves and to be forced tolive in propinquity with those one does not love. What experiencesmight our Lord Buddha have undergone in his own life that he hadincluded these two states among the great sufferings? I thought ofprisoners and refugees, of migrant workers and victims of humantrafficking, of that great mass of the uprooted of the earth whohave been torn away from their homes, parted from families andfriends, forced to live out their lives among strangers who are notalways welcoming.
We are fortunate to be living in an age when social welfare andhumanitarian assistance are recognized not only as desirable butnecessary. I am fortunate to be living in an age when the fate ofprisoners of conscience anywhere has become the concern of peopleseverywhere, an age when democracy and human rights are widely, evenif not universally, accepted as the birthright of all. How oftenduring my years under house arrest have I drawn strength from myfavourite passages in the preamble to the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights:
……. disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted inbarbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, andthe advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom ofspeech and belief and freedom from fear and want has beenproclaimed as the highest aspirations of the common people,
…… it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to haverecourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny andoppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule oflaw . . .
If I am asked why I am fighting for human rights in Burma theabove passages will provide the answer. If I am asked why I amfighting for democracy in Burma, it is because I believe thatdemocratic institutions and practices are necessary for theguarantee of human rights.
Over the past year there have been signs that the endeavours ofthose who believe in democracy and human rights are beginning tobear fruit in Burma. There have been changes in a positivedirection; steps towards democratization have been taken. If Iadvocate cautious optimism it is not because I do not have faith inthe future but because I do not want to encourage blind faith.Without faith in the future, without the conviction that democraticvalues and fundamental human rights are not only necessary butpossible for our society, our movement could not have beensustained throughout the destroying years. Some of our warriorsfell at their post, some deserted us, but a dedicated core remainedstrong and committed. At times when I think of the years that havepassed, I am amazed that so many remained staunch under the mosttrying circumstances. Their faith in our cause is not blind; it isbased on a clear-eyed assessment of their own powers of enduranceand a profound respect for the aspirations of our people.
It is because of recent changes in my country that I am with youtoday; and these changes have come about because of you and otherlovers of freedom and justice who contributed towards a globalawareness of our situation. Before continuing to speak of mycountry, may I speak out for our prisoners of conscience. Therestill remain such prisoners in Burma. It is to be feared thatbecause the best known detainees have been released, the remainder,the unknown ones, will be forgotten. I am standing here because Iwas once a prisoner of conscience. As you look at me and listen tome, please remember the often repeated truth that one prisoner ofconscience is one too many. Those who have not yet been freed,those who have not yet been given access to the benefits of justicein my country number much more than one. Please remember them anddo whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditionalrelease.
Burma is a country of many ethnic nationalities and faith in itsfuture can be founded only on a true spirit of union. Since weachieved independence in 1948, there never has been a time when wecould claim the whole country was at peace. We have not been ableto develop the trust and understanding necessary to remove causesof conflict. Hopes were raised by ceasefires that were maintainedfrom the early 1990s until 2010 when these broke down over thecourse of a few months. One unconsidered move can be enough toremove long-standing ceasefires. In recent months, negotiationsbetween the government and ethnic nationality forces have beenmaking progress. We hope that ceasefire agreements will lead topolitical settlements founded on the aspirations of the peoples,and the spirit of union.
My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand readyand willing to play any role in the process of nationalreconciliation. The reform measures that were put into motion byPresident U Thein Sein’s government can be sustained only with theintelligent cooperation of all internal forces: the military, ourethnic nationalities, political parties, the media, civil societyorganizations, the business community and, most important of all,the general public. We can say that reform is effective only if thelives of the people are improved and in this regard, theinternational community has a vital role to play. Development andhumanitarian aid, bi-lateral agreements and investments should becoordinated and calibrated to ensure that these will promotesocial, political and economic growth that is balanced andsustainable. The potential of our country is enormous. This shouldbe nurtured and developed to create not just a more prosperous butalso a more harmonious, democratic society where our people canlive in peace, security and freedom.
The peace of our world is indivisible. As long as negativeforces are getting the better of positive forces anywhere, we areall at risk. It may be questioned whether all negative forces couldever be removed. The simple answer is: “No!” It is in human natureto contain both the positive and the negative. However, it is alsowithin human capability to work to reinforce the positive and tominimize or neutralize the negative. Absolute peace in our world isan unattainable goal. But it is one towards which we must continueto journey, our eyes fixed on it as a traveller in a desert fixeshis eyes on the one guiding star that will lead him to salvation.Even if we do not achieve perfect peace on earth, because perfectpeace is not of this earth, common endeavours to gain peace willunite individuals and nations in trust and friendship and help tomake our human community safer and kinder.
I used the word ‘kinder’ after careful deliberation; I might saythe careful deliberation of many years. Of the sweets of adversity,and let me say that these are not numerous, I have found thesweetest, the most precious of all, is the lesson I learnt on thevalue of kindness. Every kindness I received, small or big,convinced me that there could never be enough of it in our world.To be kind is to respond with sensitivity and human warmth to thehopes and needs of others. Even the briefest touch of kindness canlighten a heavy heart. Kindness can change the lives of people.Norway has shown exemplary kindness in providing a home for thedisplaced of the earth, offering sanctuary to those who have beencut loose from the moorings of security and freedom in their nativelands.
There are refugees in all parts of the world. When I was at theMaela refugee camp in Thailand recently, I met dedicated people whowere striving daily to make the lives of the inmates as free fromhardship as possible. They spoke of their concern over ‘donorfatigue,’ which could also translate as ‘compassion fatigue.’‘Donor fatigue’ expresses itself precisely in the reduction offunding. ‘Compassion fatigue’ expresses itself less obviously inthe reduction of concern. One is the consequence of the other. Canwe afford to indulge in compassion fatigue? Is the cost of meetingthe needs of refugees greater than the cost that would beconsequent on turning an indifferent, if not a blind, eye on theirsuffering? I appeal to donors the world over to fulfill the needsof these people who are in search, often it must seem to them avain search, of refuge.
At Maela, I had valuable discussions with Thai officialsresponsible for the administration of Tak province where this andseveral other camps are situated. They acquainted me with some ofthe more serious problems related to refugee camps: violation offorestry laws, illegal drug use, home brewed spirits, the problemsof controlling malaria, tuberculosis, dengue fever and cholera. Theconcerns of the administration are as legitimate as the concerns ofthe refugees. Host countries also deserve consideration andpractical help in coping with the difficulties related to theirresponsibilities.
Ultimately our aim should be to create a world free from thedisplaced, the homeless and the hopeless, a world of which each andevery corner is a true sanctuary where the inhabitants will havethe freedom and the capacity to live in peace. Every thought, everyword, and every action that adds to the positive and the wholesomeis a contribution to peace. Each and every one of us is capable ofmaking such a contribution. Let us join hands to try to create apeaceful world where we can sleep in security and wake inhappiness.
The Nobel Committee concluded its statement of 14 October 1991with the words: “In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize ... to Aung SanSuu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this womanfor her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the manypeople throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy,human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means.” When Ijoined the democracy movement in Burma it never occurred to me thatI might ever be the recipient of any prize or honour. The prize wewere working for was a free, secure and just society where ourpeople might be able to realize their full potential. The honourlay in our endeavour. History had given us the opportunity to giveof our best for a cause in which we believed. When the NobelCommittee chose to honour me, the road I had chosen of my own freewill became a less lonely path to follow. For this I thank theCommittee, the people of Norway and peoples all over the worldwhose support has strengthened my faith in the common quest forpeace. Thank you.
Copyright © The Nobel Foundation 2012
昂山素季于6月16日在奥斯陆市政厅发表迟到了21年的演讲。昂山素季于1991年获得诺贝尔和平奖，但由于处在软禁中，她无法亲自前往挪威领奖，只好让自己的儿子代替自己发表了答词。
昂山素季抵达挪威后，受到挪威国王、首相、诺委会主席及挪威民众的热烈欢迎。有不少民众于周六冒雨赶往奥斯陆市政厅，超过一万二千名群众观看了为昂山素季庆祝的露天音乐会。以下是昂山素季在奥斯陆市政厅发表的演讲。
国王和王后陛下，王子殿下，阁下们，挪威诺贝尔委员会卓越的委员们，亲爱的朋友们：
多年以前，有时候看来是多生多世以前，我在牛津同我的儿子亚历山大一起收听广播节目《荒岛唱片》。那是个非常著名的节目（我觉得它现在应该还在广播吧），邀请各行各业的人们来谈谈，当你身处在荒岛时想携带一件什么东西，是哪八张唱片，是除了圣经和莎士比亚全集之外的哪本书，还是哪一件奢侈品？当节目结束的时候，亚历山大和我都感到愉快。亚历山大问我是不是可能会上这个节目，我随便回答道：“为什么不会呢？”因为他知道只有名人才可以上这个节目，他就真心的问我，如果我被邀请的话，是因为什么理由呢。我想了一会然后答道：“可能是我会得诺贝尔文学奖吧。”然后我们都笑了。这个前景看起来美好，但确实不太可能。
（我现在记不起为什么我会说这么一个答案，可能是因为我那时候刚读了一本由诺贝尔文学奖得主写的书，或者是那天的名人正好是个著名作家。）
1989年，当我的亡夫迈克尔•阿里斯在我第一次被软禁中来看我的时候，他告诉我有个朋友约翰•菲尼斯提名我为诺贝尔奖候选人。那时候我也笑了。迈克尔忽然大为惊奇，然后他也明白为什么我会笑了。诺贝尔奖？一个美好的前景，但确实不太可能。那当我真的获得诺贝尔和平奖之后是什么感觉呢？这个问题让我想了很多次，这确实是个合适的时机来审视，诺贝尔奖对我意味着什么，和平又意味着什么。
就像我在访谈中多次说过的，我在一天晚上通过收音机得知我获得了诺贝尔和平奖。这并不令人惊讶，因为在之前一周我已经通过其他一些广播得知我是几名最有希望获奖的人之一。当我准备这篇演讲时，我努力地试图回忆当我得知获奖之后的第一反应是什么。我想，我不敢确定，大概是像：“哦，他们把奖给我了。”那种感觉并不很真实，因为那段时间我自己都不像是个真实的存在了。
在我被软禁的期间，我常常感觉自己不是真实世界的一部分了。房子就是我的世界，那些同样不自由的人有他们的世界，他们在监狱里可以结成团体，那些自由的人们也有他们的世界；每个世界都像是个独立的星球，因为他们都处在不同的宇宙中。诺贝尔和平奖把我从孤立的世界拉回了和其他人一起的世界，让我重建了真实的感觉。当然这并不是突然发生的，而是花了许多天，许多月，当各方对获奖的反应的新闻通过电波传到我这里时，我才开始理解诺贝尔奖的意义。它让我再次感到真实，把我拉回更广阔的人类社区。更重要的是，诺贝尔奖让全世界都关注缅甸的民主和人权运动，我们不会被忘记。
法国人说，告别就是一点点的死亡。其实遗忘也是一点点的死亡。遗忘削弱了把我们凝聚成人类的纽带。我最近访问泰国时会见了缅甸的移民工人和难民，许多人哭泣道：“不要忘了我们！”他们是说：“不要忘记我们的困苦处境，不要忘记做你能做的来帮助我们，不要忘记我们同样属于你的世界。”当诺贝尔奖委员会授予我这项奖项时，他们意识到被压迫和被孤立的缅甸也是世界的一部分，他们意识到人类的同一性。所以接受诺贝尔和平奖，就对我个人来说，增加了我对超出国界的民主与人权的关切。诺贝尔和平奖打开了我心中的一扇门。
缅甸的和平观可被看作是，通过阻止那些妨碍和谐与益处的因素，而获得幸福感的提升。nyein-chan这个词字面上可被翻译为当火被扑灭后的清凉。痛苦与争斗之火在世界熊熊蔓延。在我的祖国，北部的战争仍未停息，西部的群体暴力导致的纵火与谋杀在我出发的前几天仍在发生。新闻中对他人的暴行充满世界各地。饥饿、疾病、被迫离家、失业、贫穷、不公、歧视、成见、愚顽，这些构成了我们每天的生活。哪里都有阴暗的力量在蚕食和平的基石。哪里都能找到对物质与人力资源的轻率浪费，而这些是在世界上保有和谐与快乐所必需的。
第一次世界大战造成了对年轻人的极大消耗，和对我们星球上的正面力量的残酷损害。那个年代的诗篇对我有特殊的意义，因为当我首次读到那些诗时，我正处在和那些年轻人一样的年龄，但他们却不得不在生命之花刚刚盛开的时候就面临枯萎。一名年轻的在法国外籍军团中战斗的美国人，在他1916年的一次行动之前，像是预见到他的死亡一样写道：“在争夺的障碍前；”“在小山坡的伤疤前；”“在午夜起火的城镇中。”年轻人、爱和生命，一起永远消失在毫无意义地占领行动中，占领那些没有名字也不会被记住的地方。为了什么？快一个世纪过去了，我们仍然在寻找一个令人满意的答案。
如果暴力程度低一些，而代以鲁莽与毫无远见地不顾人类社会的未来，我们是否仍然有罪？战争并不是终结和平的唯一场所。不论痛苦是否被忽视，冲突的种子都会因为屈辱、苦难与激怒而被埋下。
在孤独中生活的一个有利方面是，我有足够的时间来思考我所知与所接受的戒律的含义。作为一个佛教徒，我从小就知道“苦谛”的意义。几乎每天，当我身边的老人们，有时还有不那么老的人们，遭受痛苦或不顺时，他们就会低声吟诵“苦谛，苦谛”。然而，只有当我在被软禁的那些年里，我才真正去研究六种大苦之相。它们是：生、老、病、死、爱别离、怨憎会。我仔细地审视着六种大苦，不是从宗教经文的角度，而是从每日平常的生活中去审视。如果苦是生活中不可避免的一部分，我们就应该尽量在世俗活动中尽量减轻它们。我仔细思考过关于母子的产前产后护理、关于给予老年人口足够的设施，关于全面的公共卫生服务，关于慈善照料与护理。我尤其升起了对后两种苦的兴趣：爱别离和怨憎会。我们的佛陀在他自己的生活中经历了什么，使得他要将这两种苦从许多大苦中总结出来呢？我想起了囚犯、难民、移民工人和非法人口交易的受害者，他们被从自己的土地上连根拔起，离开家园，同家人和朋友分离，被迫生活在不总是欢迎他们的陌生人之间。
我们有幸生活在这样一个时代，人们意识到社会福利与人道援助不仅是理想的，而且是必须的。我很有幸生活在这样一个时代，政治犯的命运受到各地人们的广泛关注，民主与人权已经广泛地，甚至是普遍地被认同为一种与生俱来的权利。在我被软禁期间，我时常从《世界人权宣言》的序言中获取力量。我最喜爱的几段话是这样的：
……对人权的无视和侮蔑已发展为野蛮暴行，这些暴行玷污了人类的良心，而一个人人享有言论和信仰自由并免予恐惧和匮乏的世界的来临，已被宣布为普通人民的最高愿望，
……为使人类不致迫不得已铤而走险对暴政和压迫进行反叛，有必要使人权受法治的保护……
如果我被问到为什么要为缅甸的人权奋斗，上面两段话就是答案。如果我被问到为什么要为缅甸的民主奋斗，那是因为我相信民主制度是人权的保证。
在过去一年里，已有迹象表明，那些为民主和人权所作出的努力，已经开始在缅甸开花结果。朝民主化方向的一些积极的改变已经出现。如果我说我主张谨慎乐观的态度，不是因为我没有信心，而是我不愿意盲目地鼓励。如果缺乏对未来的信心，缺乏对民主制度和人权基石在我们社会中不仅必要而且可能的信念，我们前进的步伐不可能在被破坏这么多年以后依然经久不衰。我们一些斗士被降职，一些人离开了我们，但是作为核心的奉献精神依然强大而坚定。当我回顾过去的许多年时，我惊讶于在最艰难的处境下还有这样多坚定的奋斗者。他们对我们事业的信念不是源于盲目，而是基于对他们坚忍的力量和对人民志向的极度尊重所作出的清楚评价。
今天我能与你们在一起，是源于近来在我国发生的变化。这些变化能够产生，是因为你们和其他所有热爱自由与公平的人们让全球目光都来关注我们的处境。在我继续谈论我的国家之前，请允许我先谈一谈我们的良心犯。在缅甸仍然有良心犯被关押。比较令人害怕的是，因为最著名的几个人已经得到释放，剩下的不出名的人将会被遗忘。我因为曾是一名良心犯而站在这里。当你们看到我听我演讲的时候，请同样记住这个经常被重提的事实，只有一名良心犯仍嫌太多。在我的国家，那些尚未得到自由的，尚未沐浴公正之光的人远远多于一人。请记住他们，为他们做一切可能的事，使他们尽早获得无条件释放。
缅甸是一个多民族，多信仰的国家，它的未来只能建立在真正的团结精神上。自从我们1948年独立以来，整个国家从未迎来全面的和平。我们没能够建立起信任与理解来消除冲突的根源。在90年代早期停火的时候，人们又升起了希望，直到2010年的几个月中停火又被打破。一个轻率的举动足以打破长期的停火状态。近几个月来政府和少数族裔的谈判已经取得进展。我们希望停火协定可以带来由人民意愿所建立的稳定的政局和团结的精神。
我的政党，全国民主联盟和我一起已经准备好在全国和解中扮演任何角色。由总统吴登盛的政府推行的改革措施只有各方势力都表现出睿智的合作时才能持久。这包括军队、少数族裔、各政党、媒体、国内社会组织、商业社团，还有最重要的人民大众。只有人民生活得到改善，改革才是有效的，国际社会需要扮演重要角色。发展和人道主义援助，双边协定和投资需要互相协调，确保能够促进社会、政治和经济的均衡和可持续增长。我们国家的潜力是巨大的。它应当培养和发展出一个不仅繁荣，而且更加和谐与民主的社会，使我们的人民能够在和平、安全与自由中生活。
我们这个世界的和平是不可分割的。只要有一个地方的消极力量比积极力量强大，我们就都处在危险之中。或许有人会问是否所有的消极力量都能够被消除。简单的回答是：“不能！”在人性中就同时存在着积极和消极。然而人类同时也有增强积极力量的能力，将消极力量的影响降到最小。在我们的世界上，绝对的和平是做不到的。但这并不妨我们朝此目标进发。我们双眼盯着这个目标，就像在沙漠中的旅行者一直朝着指路星的方向前进，最终可以获救一样。即使我们无法做到绝对和平，因为绝对和平不存在于地球上，但为了和平的努力行为将会把个人与个人，国家与国家团结起来，在信任与友谊的帮助下将我们人类社会建设得更加安全与慈爱。
我用“慈爱”这个词是经过仔细推敲的，应该说仔细推敲了许多年。苦难中的快乐并不多见，我找到的最甜蜜和最宝贵的东西是我我所学到的慈爱的价值。我所收到的每份慈爱，不论大小，都使我确信，慈爱在我们的世界上永远不会足够。慈爱是用敏感的心去体察他人的需要，是用温暖的情去响应他人的期望。即使是最轻微的慈爱的触碰也可以卸下心灵的负担。慈爱可以改变人们的生活。挪威在给流离失所的人们提供家园，给那些在自己国家得不到安全与自由的人们提供避难所方面做出了模范式的慈爱。
世界各地都有难民。当我最近探访泰国的MeaLa难民营时，我遇见了那些为尽可能让被收容者在困苦环境中生活得更加自由而每日奋斗的人们。他们谈到关切的事情时提到“捐助疲劳”，或者也可以被翻译为“同情疲劳”。“捐助疲劳”也就是经费短缺。“同情疲劳”在缺乏关注时表现得并不明显。他们互为因果。我们能够承担对同情疲劳的放纵吗？如果不盲目而是关注他们的遭遇的话，是满足难民生活需求的成本更高呢，还是漠不关心造成的后果成本更高呢？我呼吁世界各地的捐助者们满足这些四处寻觅的难民的需求，这些难民在庇护所的寻觅往往是徒劳的。
在MaeLa，我和泰国负责达克省事务的官员进行了有价值的讨论，达克省中还有另外几座难民营。他们是我了解到另外一些和难民营有关的更严重的问题：暴力的丛林式法则，非法使用药物，家庭自酿烈酒，控制疟疾的问题，结核，登革热和霍乱。政府当局的关心的问题同难民关心的问题一样合情理。东道国也应当考虑和应对帮助解决这些与他们职责相关的困难。
我们最终的目标是创造一个没有被迫迁移，没有无家可归和没有绝望的世界，一个每个角落都是真正的圣堂，每个居民都生活在自由与和平中的世界。每种想法，每一句话，每个动作都增强了积极的力量，对和平产生有益的作用。我们每一个人都有能力做出这样的贡献。让我们携起手来，试着创造一个可以安全地入睡，开心地醒来的世界。
在1991年10月14日，诺贝尔委员会这样为它的陈述做总结：“挪威诺贝尔委员会将诺贝尔和平奖授予昂山素季，向这个女人不屈不挠的努力表示敬意，并向世界各地致力于以和平方式为民主、人权和民族和解而奋斗的人们表达委员会的支持。”当我参与缅甸民主运动时，对我来说，我从未觉得自己会得到什么奖或者什么荣誉。我们为之努力的奖赏，是一个自由，安全和公平的社会，我们的人民能够意识到他们全部的潜能。荣誉在于我们的努力。历史已经给予我们可以为我们所相信的事业而奋斗的机会。当诺贝尔委员会选择给我荣誉时，我自由选择的道路变得不再寂寞。为此我感谢委员会，感谢挪威人民和全世界支持与坚定我的信仰和共同追求和平的人们。感谢你们。
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